Marek Kądzielski
Geopolitics and Geostrategy, Postgraduate Studies
Vakhtang Maisaia
IBSU, Center for International Studies, Deputy Director
ULTIMATE CHANGE IN RELATIONS BETWEEN
RUSSIA AND CHINA
INTRODUCTION
Within the period
encompassing the last decade of the 20th century and the first
fifteen years of the 21st century we could observe a profound change
in Sino-Russian relations. During this time for the first time in history China gained dominant position in bilateral
relations with Russian
Federation. This dominant position was
achieved in so many different fields that we may expect Chinese advantage over Russia
only to strengthen. Beijing managed to force
their own rules in mutual relations where the profits for China do not necessarily mean a loss for Russia
or where also where the defeated partner does not even sometimes know that he
has been defeated in actuality. Relations between Russia
and China
are absolutely crucial for entire Far East Asia. This is because of the
magnitude of these states, their importance and political influence but also due to their
geographic location, economic strength and military potentials. Russian Federation
is still the largest country in the world in terms of its area, and it is also
the seventh economic power in the world in terms of purchasing power parity. Russia
has the largest natural resources on the globe, including crude oil and natural
gas being again the sources of energy consumed worldwide. In terms of currency
reserves Russia
occupies the sixth position in the world, and they have one of the strongest
military potential and army. The Federation is the permanent member of the UN
Security Council, and the member of G20 and BRICS. The People’s Republic of China in turn has the largest population in the
world, or the second one as compared to India but it is at the same time
the third country in the world in terms of its area. It is also the second most
powerful economy in the world, or the first one in terms of purchasing power
parity since 2015. China
has probably one of the richest currency reserves, and it is undoubtedly the
largest exporter on our globe. Like Russia,
China
is the permanent member of the UN Security Council, member of G20 and BRICS but
also the member of APEC.
First of all the state is they key player in the region of Asia
and Pacific and one of the most important actors of the world political order. China are in
the period of extraordinary economic development that started some thirty years
ago and was triggered by reforms initiated by Deng Xiaoping which imitate the
Singaporean economic system. Understanding the relations between Russia and China are therefore essential for
comprehension of contemporary international relations and processes in the
world.
The discussed twenty
five years brought a breakthrough in mutual relations between Russia and China. In the process of their
development China managed to
gain comprehensive advantage over Russia for the first time in their
contemporary history. Historically they somehow regained their historical
position they had in the 17th century. These relations are governed
by the rule of opportunism; as some experts underline, both parties to this
relations know that they cannot count on each other, so they both consider the
partner as unreliable. On the other hand, the links are based on realistic
understanding of international relations, and both states aim at strengthening their
influence in international policy thus achieving their geopolitical goals. The
interests of the state prevail on both sides that are able to scarify the
interests of their citizens. For instance for some time China used to limit migrations of its people to Siberia in order to avoid deterioration of multilateral
relations between the countries. However we can observe increasing asymmetry in
their relations giving advantage to Beijing.
It was only in the 17th century when China
had similar advantage over Russia
but then the Russian Empire started dominating over China,
and in the 19th century they acted hand in hand with western powers
abusing their position in China.
Also the Soviet Union dominated over China, in terms of ideology and
politics but also in the military strength. Fall of the USSR lower international position of Russia.
This fall coincided with market reforms and economic development of China
thus beginning to change relations between two countries. Chinese domination in
these relations will have immense impact on Far East but also on Europe and its global position. Russia has less and less tools to influence China and
it is slowly becoming a reservoir of raw materials for Chinese economy. Asymmetry
in their relations gradually grow. In terms of political theory both countries
may be defined as autocratic post-totalitarian regimes. In the case of states
of this kind their foreign policy is usually a combination of national
interests and interests of their internal groups. Character of international
system causes that the states rely on the force that constitutes a guarantee
for their safety and survival. Economic and technological potential of the
states is the main source of any changes in international relations. Given that
the advantage of China over Russia
in their relations is growing. Asymmetry in this context is understood as
relation between unequal parties where one of them needs more than the other
the benefits gained from their relation.
Presently the relations between Russia
and China
may be defined as a pattern of positive asymmetric exchange in which we have
economic dependence but not hostility.
Besides economic factors also historical tradition, ideas and values play an
important role in Sino-Russian relations because they influence decisions and
choices of the parties.
Political cultures of both states constitute examples of the cultures of
subordination that can be found in centralized structures of authoritarian
power states. In this type of culture we observe awareness of influence of political
system upon the life of the citizens with simultaneous passive subordination to
decisions of authorities and no motivation for active participation in
political life. Political
cultures of Russia and China
produce their understanding of international policy and relations that are
rooted in different axiology than the ones accepted in the western world. Those
countries form a collective type of civilizations in which group always
prevails over individual. Both countries admire power and they believe that
only force may provide for normal functioning of their system. They also both
fear democracy that in their opinion is dangerous for it leads to chaos. Eventually,
both countries perceive themselves as unique civilizations and this fact plays
an outstanding role in understanding their mutual relations. Contacts between
those two formations are not strictly political bit rather a form of contact
between different civilizations.
Russia
believes that it is so unique that it cannot be understood by reason. It has
its own independent tradition, different than the western one, tradition that
enables its further development.
It believes to be special type of civilization with its own culture, history
and morals, specific type of community opposed to western individualism, and
endowed with an Orthodox spirituality contrary to western materialism. Those
believes are combined with Russian messianic mission and imperialism. They all
have formed a belief of Russian cultural and moral superiority, and capacity to
be a power which belief is deeply rooted in Russian historical tradition. China in turn
believes to be the Middle Kingdom, the Center of the World. In their mind every
country contacting China
automatically becomes a vassal of Chinese state and Emperor. In Chinese
tradition an emperor is the chosen one who has the power and capacity to rule
the entire world. And Chinese upper class was always convinced of their
superiority to barbarians, namely all other nations.
The Middle Kingdom considered itself to be the most important political entity
in the world: the biggest in terms of area and population, age and experience, superior
in terms of culture achievements, prevailing intellectually, morally and
spiritually to any other culture. Outside countries, however existing, were by
no means fully independent or equal. The Kingdom was the universal political
entity playing a role of sovereign in relation to other states. This
traditional thinking is continued in contemporary China that underlines its specific
and difference in relation to the West, the difference that is deeply rooted in
Confucian tradition. International policy of contemporary China is driven
by three motives: reconstruction of their status as superpower, overcoming
one-hundred year humiliation from western colonialism (bai nian guo chi), and
defensive attitude towards international environment that is manifested by
their fear for being surrendered by hostiles.
Russia
in turn attempts to provide for its safety by controlling so-called “close
neighborhood”, a number of countries surrounding Russian borders. This process
even intensified after 2009 when Vladimir Putin speeded up the process of
reintegration of area of former Soviet Union.
In order to achieve this goal Russia
is using various instruments, bilateral and multilateral, diplomatic and
military ones. These buffer states are to cover the Russian core area, and in
this context the concept of close neighborhood is sometimes perceived as the
Russian version of the Monroe
doctrine. Since
1991 China played a
dualistic role for Russia.
First, it was an alternative for the West in view of deteriorating political
and economic relations between Russian Federation
from one side and European Union and United States from the other.
Second, the Sino-Russian cooperation really strengthened and slowly normalized
with success. The parties ended up their border disputes, increased trade
exchange, established collaboration in Far East Asia and soothed anxiety
connected with anti Chinese tension in Siberia.
From Chinese part it was in pursuance with realistic policy of the state that
compromised any ideological goals for actual interests: preservation of peace,
development and cooperation. Ruled by Xi Jinping, Chinese foreign policy is
focused on promotion of economic development, building of independent
international relations and protection of integrity of the state. In the
framework of this policy, China
tries to minimize dangers in their neighborhood. It is in line with their
conviction that in order to survive China must develop, and in order to
develop they need contacting the external world.
LAST DECADE OF THE 20th CENTURY
Since
1991 Sino-Russian relations are based on pragmatic understanding of interests
of both parties that did a lot to minimize negative impact of historical past
upon their present ties. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the new era in
relation between China and Russian Federation
commenced. As compared to the Soviet Union,
the Federation encompassed some 80% of former Soviet territory and a little bit
more than fifty percent of its population but less than half of its GDP as of
1990. Russian federation
remained the status of the local, Euro-Asian power but no longer the superpower
almost equal to the potential of the United States. At the same time, China
entered into the 20th century as the rising global power. Initially
both parties kept some distance in mutual relations because they aimed at
different directions in their international policies.
In the beginning of the 90s’ the dominant line in Russian’s policy was
determined by its common interests with the USA and EU. Russia hoped
for strategic partnership with the Western countries that would include foreign investments and assist in democratic
reforms inside the country. In Asia, Russian priorities encompassed first of
all Japan, India and South Korea. China in turn was under pressure from
the West after the events on Tiananmen in June 1989. At the same time they kept
some distance towards Yeltsin and his group that tried reforming Russia, blaming them for the collapse of the USSR.
But soon they realized the benefits from maintaining good relations with Russia offering peace on the newly established
borders in Central Asia. For China they were also a factor
providing for balance in the region and counteracting American and Japanese
influence. Should Russia be
incorporated politically and economically to the West, thus in turn would
strengthen the pressure on China
as the very last socialist power on the globe. Also, the fall of the Soviet Union eliminated a danger to Chinese northern
borders from the part of this powerful neighbor.
The People’s Republic of China
formally recognized Russian Federation
on 27th December 1991, accepting that it is a continuation of the Soviet Union. In the same document, Russia in turn declared that Taiwan constitutes a part of China. President Boris Yeltsin met
with Chinese prime minister Li Peng on 31st January 1992 during the
special session of the UN Security Council. Yeltsin declared that Russia will honor all the treaties concluded
with China by the USSR,
highlighting at the same time that any differences in political and economic
systems of both states should not interfere in their mutual collaboration.
In February 1992 the parliaments of both countries ratified the treaty
regulating eastern part of their border. It was the first time in their history
when they legally defined their eastern boundaries. The parties entered into
their trade-commercial cooperation offering each other the most favored nation
clause and accepting the rules for barter exchange. They also enhanced their
military cooperation, and intensified political relations and visits of their
official representatives. On 24th – 26th November 1992
Qiang Qichen, Chinese minister of foreign affairs paid a visit to Moscow. During the talks
held with Yeltsin, the Russian president declared that China occupies the priority
position in foreign policy of the Federation. Earlier this year, on 18th
September 1992 Yeltsin signed a decree on relations between Russian Federation and Taiwan. He underlined that Russia accepts the unity of China, thus considering Taiwan to be a part of the People’s
Republic. Moreover, he also declared that Russia
will maintain no official relations with authorities of Taiwan. It was in line with the
expectations from the part of Beijing, thus
soothing some tension in mutual relations between Russia
and China.
In the end of 1992 there were two options in Russian foreign policy that were
competing against each other. The so-called “Atlantic policy” opted for
westernization of the country. This option was supported first of all by Sergey
Stankiewicz and Vladimir Lukin, Russian ambassador in the United States. But a collapse of
western model of economy soon brought disappointment among the rest of Russian
political elites. In this situation Yeltsin took advantage of his visit to China
he paid on 17th to 19th December 1992 during which he met
with Li Peng and Jiang Zemin. The parties signed Declaration on mutual
relations be declared as friendly and based upon five rules of peaceful
coexistence. The Declaration specified that both states shall respect their own
ways of development, they will not use force in any disputable issues between
them, they will not enter into alliances aimed against each other, they will
not attempt for any form of hegemony in the Asia-Pacific region. Russia and China also underlined the
importance of UN and consultations in international relations, they declared to
negotiate any border issues, favor development of trade and investments,
cooperation in the field of research and development, counteract crime and
protect natural environment. The Russians again admitted that Taiwan is the part of Mainland China. Given that this Declaration
may be seen as a form of treaty between the parties.
Li Jingjie, From Good Neighbors to
Strategic Partners. Washington
D.C. 2000.
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