Skip to main content

Probability of Nuclear Weapons’ Disarmament from the Perspective of the Great Powers

 

Probability of Nuclear Weapons’ Disarmament from the Perspective of the Great Powers


By: Sofi Beridze





Nika Chitadze





Abstract

 

The article elaborates upon and analyzes the notion of nuclear weapons non-proliferation and clarifies its importance. Nevertheless, we demonstrate that total nuclear disarmament in contemporary competitive international politics is almost unattainable due to various factors. Initially, some countries that possess nuclear weapons strive to preserve their dominant position in the international arena, that’s why complete disarmament is impossible, and leading powers utilize them for their self-defense. Therefore, it’s out of the question to abandon ownership of them. The paper seeks to demonstrate the importance of “hard power” (regarding nuclear weapons) as a main tool for great powers to preserve preference. We mean maintaining power and primacy as much as they can, compared to other countries. In this article, it is determined whether nuclear delegitimization and stigmatization are effective or not. This paper aims to illustrate the idea of delegitimizing nuclear power and whether it is implicit or legitimate to use such a term. The primary concern is whether disarmament can be achieved with nuclear weapons. From our perspective, in competitive world politics, non-great powers have a desire to relinquish their nuclear weapons.

 

KEYWORDS: nuclear non-proliferation, great powers, hard powers, disarmament, delegitimizing.

 

Introduction

 

The article seeks to determine the probability of nuclear weapons complete disarmament. The main goal of this article is to elaborate on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and its intended purpose, as well as to highlight the significance of possessing nuclear weapons as a form of hard power. As IR scholar Joseph S. Nye, Jr states “The capacity to know when to use hard power, when to use soft power, and when to combine the two, I call smart power”. (Nye, 2019) Therefore international actors, especially owners of nuclear weapons, engage in competitive maneuvers in the realm of international relations, utilizing both smart powers to seek dominance in world affairs.

 

Simultaneously, the global community urges nations with significant nuclear capabilities to preserve peace worldwide. But what happened? Some of them desire to be an advanced country or become a dominant power however, from our perspective, the target objectives of countries are not aspiring to relinquish control of nuclear weapons. As Joelien Pretorius explained: “I don’t see a ban treaty as a tool that can force nuclear-armed states to give up their nuclear weapons…” (Kurosawa, 2018) We agree with her viewpoint as there are no treaties or mechanisms in place that impact their decisions. Are there any countries willing to relinquish their current status or abandon their ability to defend themselves? It is not feasible in competitive global politics because there is always at least one country (such as Russia) that follows an aggressive foreign policy, making negotiations nearly impossible in most cases. Hence, the article concludes that the possibility of nuclear weapons disarmament is almost impossible.  Moreover, from our viewpoint, it could prevent countries from escalating into a full-scale war.  The following countries possess nuclear weapons:  the United States, Russia, France, China, the United Kingdom, Pakistan, India, Israel, and North Korea.

 

Without a doubt, the United States aspires to maintain its dominant position relying on the US Security strategy under the Biden Administration. The United States has declared publicly that it will establish a strong alliance with countries that share similar values and principles, but they aim to maintain their dominant position. Russia, deemed an aggressor country, is still engaged in an unjust and unprovoked war against Ukraine. Russia has consistently cautioned against the use of nuclear weapons on its adversaries. China is making an effort to achieve dominance and compete with the US. Israel is still at war with Palestine. In addition, Israel has not signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and has not agreed to IAEA safeguards for certain of its major nuclear activities. (ICAN, 2023) The United Kingdom which separated from the European Union and even the UK is going to defend Sweden and Finland if they attack. (GALLARDO, 2022) Those countries won't attain total nuclear disarmament. Losing power is not something that any of them desire.

 

Nuclear non-proliferation

 

The NPT is a Treaty that was adopted in 1968 and entered into force two years later in New York.  The treaty has the following objectives: Preventing the spread of nuclear weapons is the goal of the UN General Assembly’s adoption of multilateral nuclear disarmament. (Nations, 2015)  From our viewpoint, nuclear non-proliferation will not eliminate the presence of nuclear weapons, and the approach of total “multilateral nuclear disarmament” is utopian. (Kurosawa, Stigmatizing and Delegitimizing Nuclear Weapons, 2018)  Nevertheless, the agreement advocates against the expansion of nuclear weapons and their accessibility to all countries, and in addition expansion, from our viewpoint, would cause real catastrophe. We would like to emphasize that this strategy and enacted policies are essential; however, the latter does not completely prevent the possibility of nuclear weapons existence.  In addition, the treaty represents a kind of safeguard system under the responsibility of the IAEA, which plays a central role in the treaty to fulfill the aims effectively.

 

The article aims to demonstrate the impossibility of completely disarming nuclear weapons and explores the idea of using WMDs for self-defense, as well as promoting the prevention of large-scale conflicts. To begin with, to address the first problem, we suggest the aspiration of preference in international politics. Leading powers are adversaries, competing to solidify their position on the global stage. They possess nuclear weapons, a source of immense power and accountability. Understandably, they will never relinquish their control of nuclear weapons since doing so would signify a loss of their authority and dominancy, a situation that is not within the realm of possibility. However, the balance should be preserved, and promoting international order is vital. Hence, the international community calls on the owner countries of nuclear weapons to maintain a peaceful international arena.

 

According to IR scholar Mitsuru Kurosawa discusses the concept of stigmatizing and delegitimizing nuclear weapons in his article "Nuclear Weapons Stigmatization," and aims to develop effective strategies for achieving a world free of nuclear weapons. Mitsuru Kurosawa suggests two methods to attain a nuclear-free world discrediting and delegitimizing nuclear power. A term is referenced for stigmatizing nuclear weapons which means “to set a stigma upon; to make with a sign of disgrace or infamy.”  Thus it is mentioned many times in the article how to stigmatize nuclear weapons and cause “multilateral nuclear disarmament” as the UN General Assembly adopted. In this sense “delegitimize” would mean unconformable to law and rule. The author suggests the term delegitimization which means to diminish and destroy the legitimacy, in this case nuclear weapon. But at the same time positive side is his attempt to find a way to eliminate weapons of mass destruction.  The issue is whether achieving complete nuclear disarmament is possible through the use of stigmatization and delegitimization. Nevertheless, from our perspective, his approach is utopian and irrelevant to real competitive global politics.

To bring counterarguments regarding stigmatization and delegitimization of nuclear weapons, there is no doubt the presence of nuclear weapons poses a threat to the civilian population, and from our perspective, the world would be more peaceful without nuclear weapons however unfortunately we face a different reality. The International Community desires to achieve “perpetual peace,” as Kant in his article suggests; however, we believe that this approach is too idealistic. Therefore we are attracted to a peaceful world but is complete disarmament possible in the real world?   From our point of view, the truth is that the world is shaped by conflict more than cooperation, and strong power experiences “hard power” vs. cooperation. Nevertheless, questioning the feasibility of achieving a nuclear-free world by stigmatizing and delegitimizing nuclear power is uncertain.

 

We mentioned above, nuclear weapons as a means of self-defense, and in our view, nuclear power serves as a tool for maintaining the equilibrium of power. To discuss the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. In 1994, it is worth noting that Ukraine possessed nuclear weapons at that time; nevertheless. Ukraine relinquished control of nuclear weapons in exchange for assurance of security and independence. The Budapest Agreement, once known as the protocol, now reflects a changed reality with Russia's invasion of Ukraine. In our opinion, Russia would not have attacked Ukraine if Ukraine possessed nuclear weapons. One could infer that nuclear power provides a certain level of security among near-peer states or powers. (Budapest Memorandum at 25: Between Past and Future, 2020)

 

Ultimately, the aforementioned argument and approach about advocating to prevent large-scale conflicts, the article suggests another argument about advocating to prevent large-scale conflicts. In addition, to prove the relevance of this argument the article demonstrates the event of the Cuban Missile Crisis. This was a moment in history when two powerful nations - the USA and the USSR - were on the edge of a nuclear war. (Lebow, 2020)The prevention of a nuclear war occurred because both nations had nuclear weapons, and the deployment of these arms would lead to disastrous consequences. Therefore, in some cases, nuclear weapons possession promotes the balancing of power and even prevents harmful results. Furthermore, if we recall the conflict between Pakistan and India, which have a territorial dispute over the Kashmir region, we will verify the relevance of the argument mentioned above. Both possess nuclear weapons which is why these countries are hesitant to escalate the conflict further. (BBC, 2019)

 

Conclusion

 

The purpose of this article has been to outline an analytic framework to assist us in making a judgment on whether nuclear disarmament is implementable or not. We have strived through historical examples and argumentative discussion to prove that in a world where great powers compete with each other for dominance, obtaining leading and prior position, there is not enough will for disarmament and nuclear weapon stigmatization.  Because the possession of nuclear weapons represents a noticeable means of self-defense and gaining a prominent place in world politics. We would like to emphasize that nuclear weapons provide a means to avoid full-scale confrontation with potential adversaries.  

 

Unfortunately, Kantian “perpetual peace” is utopian from our perspective for the reason that world politics rely on power and hard power in particular and there is no place to achieve “perpetual peace” for the simple reason that power and gain have a greater role in international interaction vs. cooperation and the benefits of peace. Sovereign countries strive to protect and be responsible for their national interest and self-defense. For the nuclear powers, this is a deterrent against adversaries that might use them. In considering the first scenario about the possibility of nuclear disarmament, which superpower possesses the necessary determination and capability to carry out complete nuclear weapons elimination? From our perspective, none of the great powers, in an anarchic international system and especially great powers, strive to maximize their power to provide their national security. The second situation could occur if one of the powers desires to abandon nuclear weapons however there will not be mutual trust at least regarding nuclear disarmament because there is no guarantee that all of the nuclear-owner countries fulfil the promise. It is important to highlight that maintaining a balance of power is crucial when it comes to global powers possessing nuclear weapons. 

 

Bibliography

 

BBC. (2019, August 8). Kashmir: Why India and Pakistan fight over it.

(2020). Budapest Memorandum at 25: Between Past and Future. Harvard Kennedy School.

GALLARDO, C. (2022, May 11). The UK commits to defending Sweden and Finland if they are attacked.

ICAN. (2023). Retrieved from https://www.icanw.org/israel

Kurosawa, M. (2018). Stigmatizing and Delegitimizing Nuclear Weapons. p. 35.

Kurosawa, M. (2018). Stigmatizing and Delegitimizing Nuclear Weapons. p. 36.

Lebow, R. N. (2020, August). THE CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS. pp. 2-5.

Nations, U. (2015). Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT).

Nye, J. (2019). International Politics.

 

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Ecologic Problems of the Modern World and their Impact on the International Politics

Nika Chitadze Affiliated Prof. Dr., Faculty of Social Sciences, International Black Sea University. Director of the Center for International Studies President of the George C. Marshall Alumni Union, Georgia – International and Security Research Center Tbilisi, Georgia Introduction Environment and its such resources, as water, air, always were the necessary conditions for the human`s life and activities. But, during the many centuries of the history of mankind, environment was not represented the problem neither for the humanity, nor for its further sustainable development. Environment and natural resources were offering the satisfaction the needs of those people, who lived in the concrete period of the world history without causing the damage to the next generations. At the second half of the XX Century, the topic related to the environmental protection was included to the agenda, including the political aspects, because of the fact, that as a result

Ukraine's expected counterattack and possible de-occupation of the country

  Ukraine's expected counterattack and Possible De-Occupation of the Country Nika Chitadze Professor of the International Black Sea University Director of the Center for International Studies President of the George C. Marshall Alumni Union, Georgia - International and Security Research Center  As expected, Ukraine's counteroffensive against the Russian occupation forces has already begun, although it has not yet entered the decisive phase. It should be noted that the past 5 months were particularly difficult for Ukrainian soldiers - the period when Ukraine began to save forces to prepare for a large-scale counteroffensive. In recent months, Ukraine has withdrawn most of its combat-ready units from the front line, and thousands of Ukrainian soldiers have gone abroad for training. The newly formed and refreshed brigades were left intact by the military-political leadership of Ukraine and did not involve them in heavy winter battles.   All this happened against the backgrou